| |
Health Care Costs Download PDF | KEY FACTS ON HEALTH CARE COSTS - Health spending in the United States is an estimated $2.4 trillion in 2008, an average of $7,868 per person
- The share of the economy (GDP) devoted to national health spending has increased from 7.2% in 1970 to an estimated 16.6% in 2008
- Eighteen
percent of the nonelderly were in families that spent over 10% of their
disposable on out-of-pocket health care premiums and cost sharing in
2004.
- Almost one-in-four
respondents in a recent Kaiser Poll reported experiencing a serious
problem paying for health care and health insurance as a result of the
recent economic turndown
| | The
high and rapidly rising cost of health care affects the financial
security of families and the economic health of the nation. Thirty
percent of respondents in a recent Kaiser Poll reported that they had
experienced a serious problem paying for health care and health
insurance as a result of recent changes in the economy, and a recent
study found that 10% of people with problems paying medical bills were
denied care because of medical bills.1 In 2004, 18% of the nonelderly population had out-of-pocket health costs that exceeded 10% of their disposable income.
At a national level, health care accounts for a large and growing slice
of the overall U.S. economic pie. The growth in health expenditures
routinely outpaces growth in income, making health insurance less
affordable for all Americans and making it more costly to extend
coverage to the over 45 million Americans who are uninsured. These
rising health costs also make public health programs more difficult to
sustain, straining federal and state budgets. Finding a way to
address high costs and cost growth without unreasonably reducing access
to new and needed services is a significant challenge. How the
candidates for the upcoming election propose to address the challenges
posed by the increasing costs of health care is a critical component of
the current political debates.  | Source: Kaiser Health Tracking Poll: Election 2008 (conducted July 29-August 6, 2008 & Sep. 8-13, 2008) | Background
Expenditures on health care have outpaced the growth in national income
over each of the recent decades. Between 1970 and 2008, the share of
the economy going to health care rose from 7.2% to an estimated 16.6%,
or from about $356 per person in 1970 to an estimated $7,868 per person
in 2008. Total health spending in the United States in 2008 is an
estimated $2.4 trillion. Impact on Health Insurance Costs
Although Americans benefit from this increasing investment in health
care, its high cost and persistent cost growth are placing great
strains on the systems we use to finance health care, including private
employer-sponsored health insurance coverage and public insurance
programs such as Medicare and Medicaid. Employer-sponsored health
coverage premiums for family coverage have increased by 97% since 2000,
from $6,438 to $12,680 in 2008. Medicare and Medicaid spending have
also been increasing. Medicare per enrollee expenditures for 2008 are
estimated to be about $11,093, an increase of 96% over 2000
expenditures.2 Part
of the reason for the increase in the Medicare spending was the
implementation of the Medicare prescription drug benefit in 2005.
Medicaid per enrollee expenditures increased from $5,763 in 2000 to an
estimated $6,610 in 2006 (the latest year available), about a 15%
increase.3
The rate of increase for Medicaid is relatively low because a portion
of Medicaid drug spending for beneficiaries eligible for both Medicare
and Medicaid was transferred to Medicare when the Medicare prescription
drug benefit was enacted.  * Estimate is statistically different from estimate for the previous year shown (p<.05). Source: Kaiser/HRET Survey of Employer-Sponsored Health Benefits, 1999-2008. | Impact on Families and Affordability of Coverage Families
have seen significant increases in out-of-pocket costs in recent years.
Since 2000, the average worker contribution for a family health
insurance policy has increased 107%, from $1,619 to $3,354. In addition
to premium contributions, families may face significant out-of-pocket
costs when they seek services. Over the last three years (2006 to
2008), the percentage of workers with coverage in plans with a
deductible of at least $1,000 for single coverage has risen from 10% to
18%; for covered workers in small firms the percentage has increased
from 16% to 35%. For families purchasing
coverage directly from insurers (sometimes referred to as non-group or
individual health insurance), a recent survey by America’s Health
Insurance Plans (AHIP) found that the average costs for family coverage
in 2006/2007 were $4,309 for a family headed by a person age 30-34 and
$7,881 for a family headed by a person age 55 to 59.4 Deductibles
for family policies in the individual health insurance market averaged
$2,753 for preferred provider and point-of-service plans and $5,329 for
plans that permit purchasers to have a health savings account or
medical savings account.5
Premiums and point-of-service cost sharing can result in
families paying a considerable share of their resources for health
care. In 2004, 18% of the nonelderly population overall and one-half of
the nonelderly with non-group health insurance had out-of-pocket health
costs that exceeded 10% of their disposable income. In a recent Kaiser
Poll, 30% of respondents (including the elderly) reported that they had
experienced a serious problem paying for health care or health
insurance as a result of recent changes in the economy.6
Another recent study found that people with problems paying medical
bill are much more likely to report having unmet health care needs, and
10% reported being denied care due their medical bill problems.7  * Statistically significant change between 2001 and 2004 (p<.01). Note:
All amounts are in 2004 U.S. dollars. Total financial burden includes
all out-of-pocket payments for health care, including premiums. Insurance
status is based on monthly indicators and reflects coverage for the
whole year. People with multiple coverage are assigned the coverage
with the longest duration. Source:
Banthin, J., Cunningham, P., and Bernard, D., “Financial Burden of
Health Care, 2001-2004,” Health Affairs, vol. 27, no. 1,
January/February 2008, pp. 188-195. |  | Why Health Care is Costly A
variety of factors help explain why health care costs are so high and
why they grow so rapidly. One factor is expanding wealth. Studies
looking at the United States and other economies have found a strong
correlation between wealth and health care spending – as nations become
wealthier they choose to spend more of that wealth on health care.8 The
availability of new treatment options is another important factor.
Nations can spend more because the health care community continues to
learn more every day about human health and health care conditions and
is able to expand the inventory of health care products, techniques and
services. Health experts point to the development and diffusion of
medical technology as primary factors in explaining the persistent
difference between health spending and overall economic growth, with
some arguing that new medical technology may account for about one-half
or more of real long-term spending growth.9
Some also suggest that the high prevalence of health insurance
encourages technology development because those who develop new
technologies know that insurance (and the government through public
programs and health insurance tax subsidies) will bear a substantial
share of any new costs.10
The prevalence of chronic diseases such as diabetes, asthma, and heart
disease, coupled with growing ability of the health system to treat the
chronically ill, also contributes to the high and growing levels of
health spending. About 45% of Americans suffer from one or more chronic
illnesses, which account for 70% of deaths and about 75% of all health
care spending.11
Rising obesity levels have been identified as a factor in growing
prevalence of some chronic diseases such as hypertension and diabetes.
Other population trends however, such as lower levels of smoking and
alcohol consumption, may be having a favorable impact on health and
costs.12
Tax incentives that encourage workers to demand comprehensive health
benefits also have been identified as a factor that increases health
costs.13 People use more health care when insurance pays a high percentage of the cost.14
Generally across the whole population, the share of personal health
expenditures paid directly out-of-pocket has fallen from about 40% in
1970 to about 15% in 2006.15
Although recently we have seen increases in out-of-pocket liability
through higher deductibles and other cost-sharing, over the longer-term
the share of total benefits paid by insurance has been increasing.
Inefficiencies in medical care delivery and financing also contribute
to the high cost of medical care. Studies by the Dartmouth Atlas
Working Group and others have shown wide variation across providers in
the treatment and cost of patients with similar health care needs
without comparable differences in outcomes. 16
The lack of integrated, efficient systems for electronically storing
and transmitting health data results in service duplication,
misdiagnosis, and high transaction costs, and also limits the data
available to study the effectiveness of treatments.17 Addressing the Cost of Heath Care
A number of strategies have been offered to affect the high and growing
cost of health care and its impacts on people and on private and public
institutions. Some aim at reducing the need or demand for health care
in order to reduce the amount of care that people use. Other strategies
focus on making the delivery and financing of the care that people get
more efficient and cost effective. All involve important tradeoffs
and/or significant changes to the health care system. Changing How Much Health Care People Use
An important theme in health policy and in the marketplace has been
increasing consumer responsibility in health care. New health care
plans, often called “consumer-directed” health plans, are a combination
of tax-favored savings accounts and catastrophic insurance for expenses
beyond a high annual deductible. Proponents of these arrangements argue
that providing consumers with more information about their health care
choices, coupled with strong financial incentives to be prudent
purchasers of services, will result in lower costs. Research shows that
increasing consumer cost sharing reduces the amount of health care that
people use,18 although
higher out-of-pocket burdens also may increase consumer insecurity and
place difficult burdens on low- and moderate-income families who may
have difficulty meeting high out-of-pocket requirements if they become
seriously or chronically ill.19
Another approach to reducing consumer demand for health care is to
reduce the government tax subsidy (referred to as a tax exclusion) for
employer-sponsored health insurance. Currently, workers do not pay
income or payroll taxes on the value of the contributions that their
employers make toward the cost of their employer-sponsored coverage.
Critics argue that the open-ended nature of the current tax exclusion,
which is estimated to cost more than $200 billion annually, encourages
workers to demand very comprehensive benefits which lead to high levels
of health spending.20 The
current approach also has been criticized because it provides greater
tax benefits to higher income workers than to lower income workers.
Proposals have been offered by President Bush and others to cap or
modify the current tax exclusion in ways that encourage workers to
purchase less comprehensive coverage, leading to lower health care use.
Changing the tax exclusion has potentially far-reaching implications
for the large share of families that currently have employer-sponsored
coverage, and could lead employers and employees to reassess whether
health insurance is best provided through the workplace. Current
alternatives to employer-sponsored coverage suffer from high
administrative costs and are not necessarily accessible for people with
health problems, issues that may need to be addressed if this is to be
a viable option. Finding ways to improve the health and health
behaviors of Americans has received growing attention as important ways
to reduce future health spending. As discussed above, chronic diseases
account for a large share of health spending, and the growth in the
prevalence of risk factors such as obesity and of chronic illnesses
such as diabetes and asthma raises concerns about the health of
Americans and the influence these trends will have on the future cost
of health care. Strategies to address these issues include workplace
and public health programs that: encourage people to adopt healthy
behaviors and modify unhealthy ones; identify people with or at risk to
develop chronic diseases and provide resources, incentives, and
assistance to help them manage their health; provide case management
and other services to people with chronic diseases when they use health
care to help achieve better and more cost effective outcomes. Improving Efficiency and Effectiveness of Delivery and Financing
Reducing practice disparities and encouraging evidence-based medical
practice are other potential strategies that proponents believe affect
health care costs. As discussed above, research shows significant
variation across providers and regions in health care spending for
people with similar conditions with no resulting differences in
quality. Strategies that give providers better information about
appropriate practice and that better align provider payments with the
provision of high quality cost-effective health care have the
potential to reduce these variations and reduce unnecessary costs.21 Developing
programs to comprehensively evaluate the effectiveness and costs of
different medical treatments is an approach that proponents believe
would reduce health spending by targeting practice and reimbursement to
cost-effective interventions. New medical technologies and procedures
are often developed and used without good information about whether
they are better than existing interventions or, if they are better,
whether the additional benefit is worth any additional cost.
Comparative effectiveness studies also can be used to identify the
types of patients who would most benefit from a procedure or practice.
As discussed above, the development and dissemination of new medical
technologies is a significant contributor to health care cost growth,
and comparative effectiveness offers an opportunity to evaluate their
benefits and costs in a systematic way. Promoting the greater
use of health information technology is another strategy that has been
proposed to reduce longer-term costs, although a significant up-front
investment may be required.22 Widespread
adoption of electronic medical records could, among other things,
reduce the provision of duplicate services, improve opportunities to
coordinate care and disseminate information to providers, and provide
information for research on provider quality and the cost effectiveness
of clinical interventions. Another option for affecting health
costs is more government involvement in setting reimbursement rates or
implementing new payment policies. For example, Medicare could serve as
a model for payment reforms such as pay-for-performance or coordinated
care. The government also could extend the prices it receives to other
payers or take more direct actions to try to regulate costs. Less
government regulation also is an option that could affect costs.
Reducing requirements for providers or insurers could reduce the cost
of supplying health care or health insurance generally, but less
regulation also could leave some families exposed to higher
out-of-pocket costs. Reducing the Level of Spending or the Rate of Spending Growth
Many of the policies under discussion in health policy circles to
address costs – such as increasing the use of electronic medical
records and other information technology, promoting evidence-based
medicine, provider pay-for-performance, consumer-directed health care,
or disease management – are aimed at improving the efficiency with
which care is delivered. Successfully implementing these policies,
which are not easy tasks, could reduce the amount that we pay on
average for care, but may not slow how quickly the costs grow once
lower, more efficient levels of spending have been reached. Over the
long run, bringing health spending growth closer to the rate of overall
economic growth may require finding ways to slow the development and
diffusion of new health care technologies and practices. One approach,
comparative effectiveness research, directly addresses one of the
fundamental drivers of high cost growth, although its implementation
presents serious practical and philosophical challenges. Practically,
the sheer volume and pace of medical advance would make it difficult to
actually assess many important changes before they were incorporated
into medical practice. Philosophically, medical assessment requires
people to make difficult decisions about whether a medical benefit for
some is worth the cost to the broader system. Other ways of potentially
reducing the development and diffusion of new health care technologies,
such as much higher cost sharing that could reduce the ability of many
to afford expensive treatments (which in turn would dissuade their
development), are no less controversial. There are a number of
different strategies for influencing the cost of health care and its
growth. Some are more focused on how care is delivered and others are
more focused on how care is financed. Each of these involves meaningful
change for consumers, providers, and payers. In some cases, the goal of
reducing system cost growth may conflict with the goal of increasing
family financial security. For example, increasing cost sharing in
health insurance policies would likely reduce overall spending because
people use less health care when faced with higher out-of-pocket
liability. At the same time, this higher out-of-pocket exposure may
make families feel less secure and less confident that they will be
able to afford the health care that they need. Other approaches to
reducing costs, such as implementing comparative effectiveness research
to inform treatment and payment decisions, involve very difficult
political and ethical decisions about the care that patients are
eligible to receive. Assessing the Candidates' Positions
Senators McCain and Obama have each produced health care proposals that
have a number of elements that would affect the cost of health care.
Senator McCain’s approach emphasizes the role of consumers by
eliminating the income tax exclusion for employer-sponsored coverage
and introducing new flat tax credits that provide incentives for
consumers to select less comprehensive coverage. He also stresses
reduced regulation of insurance markets as a way to lower the cost of
health insurance by reducing state insurance requirements. Senator
Obama largely builds on the current financing system, but suggests new
regulations that would change how insurance is offered to people who
buy coverage on their own. He also proposes a reinsurance system to
lower premiums and a new public program that would compete with and
offer an alternative to plans offered by private insurers. Both
candidates stress the need for promoting health information technology,
preventing and managing chronic disease, and improving the health
delivery system. Included below are a series of questions to help evaluate the candidates’ proposals: - How can health care be made more affordable without limiting access to necessary care?
- How
would each candidate’s proposal affect the premiums and other
out-of-pocket costs that people face? How would people with different
incomes be affected?
- What role should government play in controlling increases in the cost of care and the cost of health coverage?
- What
is the responsibility of individuals in the cost of their care? Are
health savings accounts and high deductible insurance policies an
approach that should be expanded?
- What
is the best approach to protect low-income Americans from unaffordable
out-of-pocket costs for health care while containing health costs
overall?
- How would each candidate’s proposal change the health care delivery system?
1. Kaiser Family Foundation, Health Tracking Poll: Election 2008 (conducted September 8-September 13, 2008); Peter J. Cunningham, Trade-Offs Getting Tougher: Problems Paying Medical Bills Increase for U.S. Families, 2003-2007, Tracking Report No. 21, Center for Studying Health System Change, September 2008, http://hschange.org/CONTENT/1017/, accessed October 3, 2008. 2.
The Boards of Trustees, Federal Hospital Insurance and Federal
Supplementary Medical Insurance Trust Funds, "2008 Annual Report of the
Boards of Trustees of the Federal Hospital Insurance and Federal
Supplementary Medical Insurance Trust Funds," March 25, 2008, p. 173,
Washingon, DC., accessed October 10, 2008, http://www.cms.hhs.gov/reportstrustfunds/downloads/tr2008.pdf. 3. John Holahan et al., Why Did Medicaid Spending Decline in 2006? A Detailed Look at Program Spending and Enrollment, 2000-2006, Kaiser Commission on Medicaid and the Uninsured, October 2007, http://www.kff.org/medicaid/7697.cfm. 4. America’s Health Insurance Plans, Individual Health Insurance 2006-2007: A Comprehensive Survey of Premiums, Availability, and Benefits, December 2007, http://www.ahipresearch.org/pdfs/Individual_Market_Survey_December_2007.pdf, accessed Sept. 16, 2008. 5. Ibid.
Preferred provider/point-of-service plans and HSA/MSA plans had the
highest market shares for family coverage at 65.7% and 23.3%,
respectively. Health maintenance organizations and exclusive
provider organization plans (with 5.5% of the market) had a lower
average deductible of $1,234, largely because a substantial percentage
(30%) of plans had no deductible. 6. Kaiser Family Foundation, Health Tracking Poll: Election 2008 (conducted September 8-September 13, 2008). 7. Peter J. Cunningham, Trade-Offs Getting Tougher: Problems Paying Medical Bills Increase for U.S. Families, op. cit. 8. Joseph P. Newhouse, “Medical Care Costs: How Much Welfare Loss?” The Journal of Economic Perspectives, vol. 6, no. 3, 1992, pp. 3-21. 9. Ibid.; Richard A. Rettig, “Medical Innovation Duels Cost Containment,” Health Affairs, vol. 13, no. 3, pp. 7-27. 10. See,
e.g., Joseph P. Newhouse, “Medical Care Costs: How Much Welfare Loss?”,
op. cit.; and Burton A. Weisbrod, “The Health Care Quadrilemma: An
Essay on Technological Change, Insurance, Quality of Care, and Cost
Containment,” Journal of Economic Literature, vol. 29, no. 2, 1991, pp. 523-552. 11. Partnership to Fight Chronic Disease, http://www.fightchronicdisease.org/crisis/current.cfm,
accessed September 17, 2008, citing Wu and Green, “Projection of
Chronic Illness Prevalence and Cost Inflation,” RAND, October 2000;
also Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Chronic Disease
Overview, http://www.cdc.gov/nccdphp/overview.htm, accessed September 17, 2008. 12. Kenneth
E. Thorpe, Curtis S. Florence, David H. Howard, and Peter Joski, “The
Rising Prevalence Of Treated Disease: Effects On Private Health
Insurance Spending,” Health Affairs, web exclusive, pp. w5-317
- w5-325. On trends in mortality rates, see, e.g., David M.
Cutler, Edward L. Glaeser, and Allison B. Rosen, “Is the U.S.
Population Behaving Healthier?” National Bureau of Economic Research,
NBER Working Paper No. 13013, April 2007, http://www.nber.org/papers/w13013. 13. See,
e.g., John F. Cogan, R. Glenn Hubbard, and Daniel P. Kessler,
“Evaluating Effects of Tax Preferences on Health Care Spending and
Federal Revenues,” National Bureau of Economic Research, NBER Working
Paper No. 12733, December 2006, http://www.nber.org/papers/w12733. 14. Joseph Newhouse and the Insurance Experiment Group (1993). Free For All? Lessons from the RAND Health Insurance Experiment. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; see discussion and cited studies in Jonathon Gruber, The Role of Consumer Copayments for Health Care: Lessons From the RAND Health Insurance Experiment and Beyond, Kaiser Family Foundation, October 2006, http://www.kff.org/insurance/7566.cfm. 15. Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, Office of the Actuary, National Health Statistics Group, Table 13, http://www.cms.hhs.gov/NationalHealthExpendData/downloads/tables.pdf. 16. The Dartmouth Atlas of Health Care, http://www.dartmouthatlas.org/, accessed September 17, 2008; Health Affairs,
Web Exclusive, series of papers on “Perspective: Practice Variations
And Health Care Reform: Connecting The Dots,” October 7, 2004, http://content.healthaffairs.org/cgi/content/abstract/hlthaff.var.140,
accessed September 18, 2007; Congressional Budget Office, Testimony of
Director Peter Orszag before the Senate Finance Committee, “The
Overuse, Underuse, and Misuse of Health Care,” July 17, 2008, http://www.cbo.gov/ftpdocs/95xx/doc9567/07-17-HealthCare_Testimony.pdf. 17. Congressional
Budget Office, Testimony of Director Peter Orszag before the House
Committee on Ways and Means, “Evidence on the Costs and Benefits of
Health Information Technology,” July 24, 2008, http://www.cbo.gov/ftpdocs/95xx/doc9572/07-24-HealthIT.pdf 18. See references at Footnote 14. 19. See,
for example, Paul D. Jacobs and Gary Claxton, “Comparing The
Assets Of Uninsured Households To Cost Sharing Under High-Deductible
Health Plans,”Health Affairs, May/June 2008; 27(3): w214-w221. 20. John F. Cogan et al., op. cit. 21. See,
e.g., Elliott S. Fisher, David E. Wennberg, Therese A. Stukel et al.,
“The Implications of Regional Variations in Medicare Spending. Part 1:
The Content, Quality, and Accessibility of Care,” Annals of InternalMedicine, 138(4): 273–288, 2003, http://www.annals.org/cgi/reprint/138/4/273.pdf. 22. See
Federico Girosi, Robin Meili, and Richard Scoville (2005),
“Extrapolating Evidence of Health Information Technology Savings and
Costs,” RAND, p.36; Peter Orszag, Presentation to The Alliance for
Health Reform, June 2008, http://cbo.gov/ftpdocs/94xx/doc9495/06-20-2008-Presentation.pdf;
and Congressional Budget Office, “Evidence on the Costs and Benefits of
Health Information Technology,” May 2008, op. cit. | |
|

|